Why is this election different in Jharkhand?
This time, the assembly elections in Jharkhand took a 360-degree turn. Jharkhand, which was formed 24 years ago, this time has neither traditional problems nor echoes of old equations. The leaders were unable to bring these issues to light even if they wanted to, and Jharkhand’s politics was affected for 24 years.
In political circles, 5 main factors are believed to have caused this change. It is said that due to these five factors, everything from issues to equations changed in the Jharkhand elections.
1. There is no discussion of 60 vs 40
The issue of 60 vs 40 has been the most important issue since the formation of Jharkhand. According to local political parties in Jharkhand, 60% of the state’s population are locals and 40% are immigrants.
Khatian 1932 remains a big issue in every election in the state. The return of Hemant Soren to power in 2019 played a big role in this, but this time the slogan was hardly discussed.
The BJP was unable to make Khatian 1932 an issue and the JMM was disadvantaged by its inability to implement it. The math for about 55 of Jharkhand’s 81 seats is set by locals.
2. The edges of caste have also become blunted
Generally speaking, tribal, Kurmi and Yadav castes dominate elections in Jharkhand. Apart from this, political parties across the country have also been carrying out caste mobilization, but this time the caste struggle here also seems to be very blunt.
This time, infiltration and tribal identity appear to be big issues in Jharkhand politics. Ahead of the election, regional leader Jairam Mahato must have sounded the clarion call to unite the Kurmi community, but now that seems to have been put on hold.
The RJD has definitely been mobilizing the Yadav Party, but this time the party is relying only on Hemant in the electoral arena.
3. Vote bank for women, irrespective of caste and religion
This time, Jharkhand has set up a new women’s vote bank, which is divided along the lines of religion, caste and community. This time, women are at the center of both alliances. Union of India is empowering women with the help of Maiya Samman Yojana.
Meanwhile, the NDA also gambled on Gogo Didi and the Land Registry for a rupee. Both alliances also fielded female candidates this time.
According to the Election Commission, 128 women are contesting in Jharkhand this time. In 2019 this number was 127 and in 2014 it was 111.
4. The third-line force is invisible
From the outset, the Jharkhand elections showed dominance on three fronts. In the 2005 elections, there was the BJP-JDU alliance on one side and the Congress and JMM on the other. Parties like RJD, AJSU and ML succeeded in influencing the entire election.
The BJP alliance got 27% of the votes in this election, the Congress alliance got 26% and the other alliances got 15%. Independents received 15% of the vote.
Babu Lal Marandi’s party JVM continued to play the role of the third front in the 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections, but now Marandi is aligned with the BJP. The 2024 elections will be directly between the NDA and the Indian Union.
5. Declining dominance of political parties in Bihar
Political parties in Bihar used to dominate politics in Jharkhand. In 2005, JDU contested 18 seats and RJD contested 51 seats. Male also fielded 28 candidates in this election. In 2009 too, the RJD fielded candidates in 56 seats. JDU also fielded 14 candidates.
Even in 2014 and 2019, the dominance of political parties in Bihar continued. Hemant gave up his cabinet seat to the RJD, which won a seat in 2019, but this time the political influence of the parties in Bihar has declined.
The RJD is contesting in 5 seats under the agreement. JDU also got only 2 seats. Male can only field candidates in 4 seats.
